Indian Express —
August 15, 2004
Sir Cyril
Radcliffe hadn’t even begun sharpening his scalpel for the division
of the subcontinent when a group of industrialists and technocrats met
in Bombay. The year was 1944, the host was J R D Tata, 40. Among the
guests were G D Birla, Kasturbhai Lalbhai, Sir Purshotamdas Thakurdas,
Sir Shri Ram, Sir Ardeshir Dalal, A D Shroff and Dr John Matthai. It
was, obviously, no ordinary gathering. Nor was their one-point agenda:
a plan for a to-be independent country’s economic development.
Their brainchild
was a Rs 10,000-crore, two-part, 90-page economic plan that came to be
known as the Bombay Plan. At the back of their minds was a seminal
book published 10 years previously by India’s most celebrated civil
engineer and Dewan of the Mysore state, Mokshagundam Visvesvaraya. His
Planned Economy highlighted the need for organising villages into
effective economic units. His favourite one-liner: Industrialise or
perish.
Four years after
Visvesvaraya’s thesis, in 1938, Jawaharlal Nehru set up the National
Planning Committee. Its reports on health, sanitation, food etc began
to come in by 1940. The current mood also embraced the Soviet model,
with its focus on heavy engineering. For JRD and his team, the task
was cut out. ‘‘Planning without tears is almost an impossibility,’’
the Bombay Plan acknowledged. That said, its authors presented ‘‘the
objectives to be kept in mind in economic planning in India... and the
demands which planning is likely to make on the country’s resources’’.
Drafted by
Matthai, the memo — a copy of which is available at the Tata Central
Archives in Pune — has one predominant objective: how to double the
per capita income (Rs 65 in 1931) in 15 years, providing for an
increase in population of 5 million per annum. To achieve the target,
the group proposed that net output of agriculture be doubled and that
of industry be increased five times.
The Bombay
Planners took as a baseline a minimum standard of living and
quantified needs, estimating that an adult person required 2,800
calories a day, 30 yards of clothing and 100 sq feet of space. Then
they went on to calculate the costs, the source of the funds and the
industries the government needed to develop. With life expectancy an
abysmal 26 years — and just one doctor available for every 9,000
people and one nurse every 86,000 people — the plan also outlined a
minimum health standard.
‘‘The
aggregate amount of income required to meet the barest requirements of
human life is Rs 2,900 crore,’’ wrote Matthai. This figure
included the cost of food (Rs 2,100 crore), clothing (Rs 260 crore),
recurring expenditures on housing (Rs 260 crore), health and medicine
(Rs 190 crore) and primary education (Rs 90 crore). The Plan provided
sector-wise break-ups, estimating a total expenditure of Rs 10,000
crore. Industry accounted for Rs 4,480 crore, farming Rs 1,240 crore,
communications Rs 940 crore, education Rs 490 crore, health Rs 450
crore, housing Rs 2,200 crore and miscellanea, Rs 200 crore.
After listing
the expenses, the planners considered the sources of income. ‘‘The
sources of external and internal finance which would be available to
us are the hoarded wealth of the country, mainly gold (Rs 300 crore);
our short-term loans to the UK, like sterling securities held by the
RBI (Rs 1,000 crore); our favourable balance of trade (Rs 600 crore);
foreign borrowing (Rs 700 crore); savings of the people (Rs 4,000
crore) and new money (Rs 3,400 crore) created against ad hoc
securities.’’
The
Bombay Plan’s avowed purpose was to framework
development, and contained no reference to the
organisation, methods required for carrying out
the plan. The domination of industrialists among
the planners also showed: It paid little attention
to agriculture, a point JRD admitted later.